2011/11/08

An Algarve Jewish renaissance

(FROM JEWISH CHRONICLE-thejc.com)
By Susi Rogol Goodkind, November 7, 2011
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Services in the sun
Services in the sun
There are probably no more than 50 or 60 Jews resident in the Algarve today – expats from around the world, mainly, but of course hundreds more visit the region every year, attracted by the sunshine, the golf, the laid-back lifestyle and the charm of both its unspoilt inland villages and glitzy beach resorts.
It was the ambition of one man, South African Ralf Pinto, who had lived in the Algarve for more than 20 years, to bring the local Jews together. He developed a Jewish Heritage Centre in the region's capital, Faro, which has been visited by Jew and non-Jew alike; with his wife Judy he operated a communications network that got information out to a wide audience, and pulled visitors in to share special holidays and support the Centre.
Ralph Pinto died in August of this year but the legacy he left has inspired an astonishing turn of events.
A young American Rabbi, Zev Schwarcz, arrived in the Algarve with his wife and small child earlier in the summer. He met Ralf and was stirred by his dream because it was one he shared – of building a Jewish community where there was none before.
On the first day of Rosh Hashanah, for the first time in possibly a hundred years, the Algarve had a Rabbi, a Sefer Torah (on loan from the shul in Gibraltar), a shofar, a borrowed roof terrace in the sunshine for the service (motorway on one side, beach-goers on the street below), a Baal Tefilla from Edgware and a Cohen from upstate New York. An Israeli family, local restaurateurs, barbequed lunch for the 'congregation'.
For Kol Nidre, more than 30 people arrived on that roof terrace: a young couple from Mexico, Israelis with babes in arms, a man who lived nearby and had heard the shofar the previous week, an Italian judo teacher, a London lawyer, two nurses from Wales.
At Yizkor the following day, Rabbi Zev called out every single name of every single parent past. Not Prime ministers, not royalty. Just our mothers and fathers long gone. Later, we watched the stars come out and broke the fast with shared salads and herrings and promises. Suddenly 'should do' became 'want to.'
There is little doubt that those promises will be kept. The rooftop succah was overflowing – with people who had not been under a succah since their Barmitzvah year. And since the Holidays every Shabbat has welcomed more than a Minyan's worth of enthusiastic 'converts' – those who are rediscovering their heritage and delighting in it.
The now? An impromptu tea at the Shalom restaurant in Albufeira on Sunday saw more than an exchange of cake recipes, when some 45 Jewish residents of the Algarve and interested visitors gathered together to plan the next stages of community-building; for once good relations took precedent over golf.
The intention now is to raise funds and find premises for a shul and a Sefer Torah on permanent loan; to set up a centre for activities that will include Hebrew lessons and offer Bar- and Bat-mitzvah classes; to work with wedding planners and hotels and restaurants able to offer fully Kosher or Jewish celebrations; and, immediately, to arrange the first of two Chanukah parties, which will be publicised in the local newspapers and online with an open invitation to all Jews visiting the area. The dream that Ralf Pinto harboured all those years ago, will finally be realised.

2011/10/26

Portuguese Marranos and readmission of Jews to England
_______________________________________
Cromwell and the ‘readmission’ of the Jews to England, 1656


by Barbara Coulton, Lancaster University

(complete essay at http://www.olivercromwell.org/jews.pdf)

......What actually happened in 1656 was more prosaic, although some might have
interpreted events as the work of providence. The crypto-Jewish group had tacit
permission from Cromwell to worship privately, but their public persona was that of
Spanish merchants  – and England was at war with Spain, so their goods could be
forfeit. An informer brought a case against one of the group, Antonio Robles, who
declared: ‘I am a Portuguese Jew’, in a petition in March for restitution of his goods;
this was granted by the Council in May. Investigations revealed that over twenty
Jewish families lived in London, many of them resident for years. In view of the
Robles affair, Carvajal and other leaders of the community, in conjunction for once
with Menasseh, presented a second petition to the Protector, from the ‘Hebrews at
Present Residing in this citty of London’; Abraham Israel Carvajal, Jahacob de
Caceres, and four others signed, after Menasseh ben Israel. Although this has been
claimed as the rabbi’s petition it did not echo that of November 1655; it was, rather, a
formal request by the crypto-Jewish group who thanked Cromwell for the favour 15
already granted, to worship privately in their own homes; they  now prayed for
protection in writing; they also wished to acquire their own burial place outside the
city. Cromwell endorsed the Jews’ petition on 24 March, and again on 26 June, but
there is no record of written permission. Nevertheless, events prove that two
privileges were granted to the London group: permission for a religious meeting-place
and for a burial ground. A large house in Creechurch Lane became a private
synagogue; Carvajal was a leading ratepayer in the parish of St Katherine Cree; the
‘superior landlord’ was the master of Magdalene College, Cambridge  – John Sadler.
The use to which the house was to be put was known to the parish authorities who
mentioned in their accounts for 1656 work ‘in building the Jewes Synagogue’.
Carvajal brought over from Hamburg a cousin, Moses Athias, to be chief minister or
hazan. By the beginning of 1657 Carvajal and Caceres (as wardens or parnassim of
the synagogue) had taken out a lease for a burial ground at Mile End. Apparently,
Menasseh had no role in this community; he came to feel friendless among strangers.
Some scholars have speculated about his personality. Cecil Roth described him as ‘the
self- important, erudite, quarrelsome Amsterdam Rabbi’. S.R. Gardiner was more
moderate in his description of the ‘enthusiastic but somewhat dreamy Amsterdam
rabbi and physician who took the cause of all Judaism upon his shoulders’; he
described Menasseh as being insensitive ‘to the danger of challenging public opinion
by undue demonstrativeness.’
19
The failure of Menasseh’s campaign leads to a consideration of the term
‘readmission’: the rabbi’s petition of November 1655 asked for admission of Jews on
an equal footing with native English citizens, public synagogues, rights to their own
law code, and freedom to trade. Jews from various parts of the world, especially those
subject to persecution, were meant to benefit. Following this definition we must
concede that readmission was not achieved. This has been acknowledged by certain
historians since Lucien Wolf. Albert Hyamson wrote in 1928 that ‘the goal to which
Menasseh ben Israel … had directed his efforts … was unattained’. In 1957 Israel
Finestein’s judgement was that the ‘readmission’ of the Jews ‘took the form of an
acknowledgement … and an authorisation of their Jewish worship … There was no
“recall” of the Jews’. The authorisation was granted, as we have seen, to the existing
crypto-Jewish community. Two modern London rabbis sum up events following the
Whitehall Conference: Cromwell ‘gave  de facto permission to the existing  marrano16
community … to continue undisturbed with its mode of worship. In this pragmatic
way recognition of Jewish settlement was granted’. This narrative of Anglo-Jewry,
beginning with the pragmatic Lucien Wolf, corrects the ‘Menasseh version’.
20
To pick up a vital thread in the pattern of events we must return to December 1655.
For five years Cromwell had shown a favourable attitude towards the Jews,
recognising the mercantile advantages of their presence as well as religious reasons
for welcoming them. Carvajal had been endenizened, and was at this time asking for
protection for his ship coming from the Canaries – there is no suggestion that he allied
himself to Menasseh. Cromwell’s responsibilities as head of state were augmented by
his sense of being an agent of God’s will, and many people looked to 1656 as a year
of apocalyptic importance. The divines at the Whitehall Conference proved unhelpful,
but one divine was absent: John Dury. Early in 1654, Cromwell had sent him to the
leaders of the Swis s cantons to continue his lifelong efforts at ‘procuring harmony and
fraternal union in the profession of the truth’. Cromwell described him, in the papers
of credence, as ‘that devout and learned man … minister of God’s word and dear to
us’. Dury was now  in Hesse, where he received from Samuel Hartlib a letter asking
his views on the questions posed by Cromwell: was it lawful to admit Jews into a
Christian state, and if so on what terms? Dury replied from ‘Cassel, in haste, Jan. 8
t h
,
1656’; a second letter followed. Dury addressed Cromwell’s questions: ‘I know none
of the reformed churches or divines, who make their admission to be unlawful; but it
is a work which the civil magistrate takes wholly into his consideration’. He cited
Paul’s first letter to the Corinthians at length, concerning lawful and expedient
actions. He concluded that Jews could be admitted into a Christian commonwealth,
but restraints should be imposed. Dury added a significant postscript: ‘Our state doth
wisely to go warily, and by degrees, in the business of receiving them. Menasseh Ben
Israel’s demands are great, and the use, which they [the Jews] make of great
privileges, is not much to their commendation here [in Germany], and elsewhere.’
21

Dury’s letters would have helped Cromwell: they would have reinforced his caution
about Menasseh, while the advice about the lawfulness of admission with restraints
would also have reassured Cromwell that his favours to the crypto-Jews were justified
since Carvajal and his associates were discreet and unlikely to cause trouble. Dury
advised that there should be no blasphemy of Christ, nor attempts at proselytising, nor 17
dishonouring of any of the ordinances of Christianity. If this were achieved, ‘then the
first rule of expediency will be observed’. There should also be instruction of the Jews
in the Christian religion, but this issue seems in practice to have been sidestepped.
This treatment of the Jews would be a mark of Christian love and serve to the glory of
God. For their part, the Jews should live by themselves and worship in their own
tongue; and ‘insolencies’ from both sides should be prevented by laws and special
orders. The matter of trade Dury was content to leave to the wisdom of the state. The
substance of his letters was edited into a pamphlet by Hartlib, and published in June
1656. None of this would be of any consolation to Menasseh who had been hoping all
spring for a favourable response to his own petition – especially as the postscript
referring to him was published. The rabbi himself was now a forlorn figure. A petition
to Cromwell (of 1656 or 1657) reveals him as ill and in need of money: ‘I make moan
to your Highnesse, as the alone succourer of my life, in this land of strangers …
havinge had great experience of your greatnesse in compassion as well as in majestie’.
Cromwell ordered the grant of a pension of £100 a year, part of which was paid
before another petition was presented by the rabbi in September 1657: his son Samuel
had died and had wished to be buried in Holland; Mena sseh asked for £300, offering
to surrender his pension seal. A grant of £200 was authorised, as we see from John
Sadler’s petition to Richard Cromwell on behalf of Menasseh’s widow. Sadler
described the rabbi’s disillusioned state of mind at the end of his stay in England: ‘at
length with his heart ever broken with griefe on losing heer his only sonne and his
presious time with all his hopes in this iland’, he reached Middelburg with his son’s
body, and himself died there in November 1657 (Kislev 5418). He  was buried at
Amsterdam with an epitaph in Spanish to ‘the honoured Hebrew’.
22
Cromwell was the saviour of the first modern Anglo-Jewish community in London at
a time when their legal position was anomalous; there was no ghetto, but unless they
were endenizened they had no political status. Under Cromwell’s protection the
synagogue in Creechurch Lane became, in Lucien Wolf’s analysis, ‘a duly organised
public body’, increasing by 1660 to thirty- five families. Its officials included Rabbi
Moses Athias. Their accounts were kept in Portuguese by the treasurer; the surviving
Libro, from 1663, was probably not the first. Their activities in the City were
indicated by the membership of the Exchange granted in 1657 to Solomon Dormido.
A visitor to the synagogue  in 1662 was told that ‘one year in Oliver’s time, they did 18
build booths on the other side of the Thames, and keep the Feast of Tabernacles in
them’. (This was a kind of harvest festival, a joyous week-long celebration.) The
importance of Cromwell’s protection is attested by events as soon as he was dead.
Thomas Violet laid a case against the Jews in 1659; the City Corporation also
presented a petition against the Jews in 1660. Amid all the accusations against the
Jews were some against Cromwell, ‘the late Usurper’, for admitting them to a free
habitation and trading, and allowing them liberty to practise their religion ‘to the great
dishonour of Christianity and public scandal of the Protestant religion’. In 1660 the
Jews held a meeting at the house of Senora Carvajal to draw up a petition to the king
for protection. Charles II had his own commitment to Jews who had helped him in
exile, so he asked the privy council to consider the community’s protection. When the
Jews in London had to petition again for protection in 1664, the king minuted the
document himself: that ‘they may enjoy the same favour as before, as long as they
demean themselves peaceably and obey the laws’. The Cromwellian privileges were
preserved. It was, wrote James Parkes, ‘surely the simplest charter of settlement in all
Jewish history.’
23
 Ultimately, it was the policy of Cromwell and the discretion of the
Jewish community in London which established this settlement, rather than the
mission of Menasseh ben Israel.
Barbara Coulton, Lancaster University
                                             

2011/10/16


PROFESSOR NATHAN WACHTEL OF COLLEGE OF FRANCE SPEAKS ON MODERNITY,  MARRANOS AND THE INQUISITION IN NORTHEASTERN BRAZIL

Atividades da Cátedra Claude Bernard, com o professor Nathan Wachtel
14/10/2011 (14:00) - 20/10/2011 (15:30)
Sala Evaristo de Morais (109) do Campus do Largo de São Francisco - São Paulo
O Consulado da França no Rio de Janeiro, o Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Sociais e o Instituto de História da UFRJ, representados pelo Programa de Pós-graduação em Sociologia e Antropologia - PPGSA e pelo Programa de Pós-graduação em História Social - PPGHIS, convidam para as atividades da Cátedra Claude Bernard ocupada por Nathan Wachtel, professor do Collège de France.

Sexta-feira, 14 de outubro, às 14 horas: conferência "Modernidades: marranismo e Inquisição".
Terça-feira, 18 de outubro, às 14 horas: entrevista dirigida por professores do PPGSA e do PPGHIS, com a participação de professores e alunos.
Quinta-feira, 20 de outubro, às 14 horas: workshop com a participação de alunos do PPGSA e do PPGHIS.

As atividades acontecerão em português, com a participação de professores e abertas a ouvintes.



O termo “marrano” – denominação injuriosa conferida aos judeus na Espanha –
acabou sendo incorporado pela historiografia, designando os judeus da
península ibérica que foram expulsos ou obrigados a se converter ao
catolicismo (os chamados cristãos-novos) nos séculos 16 e 17. Muitos
buscaram refúgio nas colônias americanas de Portugal e Espanha, sobretudo no
México, Brasil e Peru.

Há cerca de seis anos, especialmente no Nordeste do Brasil, houve um momento
de “retorno” ao judaísmo por parte de pessoas que dizem ser descendentes de
cristãos-novos do período colonial. Muitas delas traçam extensas
genealogias, facilmente remontando ao século 18. Essas famílias, cristãs,
mantêm até hoje costumes de respeito a proibições alimentares, luz de vela
nas sextas-feiras à noite, leitura apenas do Velho Testamento e ritos
funerários específicos, entre outros. Esses elementos levaram o pesquisador
a perceber que, de maneira consciente ou inconsciente, esses grupos
preservavam uma memória marrana.

Entre memória e esquecimento, Wachtel percebe ao longo do tempo
representações tanto positivas quanto negativas em torno da herança judaica:
a lembrança e veneração dos mártires; a recusa dos ancestrais que lhes
transmitiram sangue impuro. Assim, a memória marrana compõe-se de um duplo
movimento: de um lado, a fidelidade perseverante; de outro, a vontade de
fusão e busca do esquecimento, sem que isso signifique desaparecimento total
da memória. O Brasil ofereceu e oferece condições favoráveis para ambos os
fenômenos.

Preocupado com essas questões, Nathan Wachtel tem concentrado seus estudos
na região do sertão, especialmente, em Pernambuco, Paraíba e Rio Grande do
Norte. Visa a reconstruir laços entre o passado e o presente, combinando
problemáticas e métodos tanto da história como da antropologia.

Trabalha também por meio da perspectiva comparativa. Em pesquisa anterior,
analisou a evolução da comunidade mexicana Venta Prieta, próxima do Pachuca,
México, na qual os membros, como os brasileiros, clamavam ser descendentes
de “cristãos-novos” do período colonial.

Nathan Wachtel é professor de história e antropologia das sociedades meso e
sul-americanas do Collège de France desde 1992 e diretor de pesquisa da
École de Hautes Études em Sciences Sociales-EHESS de Paris desde 1976.
Também é autor de vários livros, entre eles: *La Vision des Vaincus – Les
Indiens du Pérou devant la Conquête Espagnole* *(1530-1570) *(1971); *Mémoires
Juives* (1986); *Deuses e Vampiros – De Volta a Chipaya* (1994, em
português); *A Fé na Lembrança. Labirintos* *Marranos *(2003, em
português); *La Logique des Bûchers* (2009, Prix Guizot de l'Académie
Française).

A palestra será realizada 21 de outubro, às 19 horas, na Biblioteca Mário
de Andrade. O evento é gratuito e haverá entrega de certificados.

Após a apresentação em São Paulo, o professor também fará a conferência
“Memórias Marranas” em Caxambu, Minas Gerais, 26/10, na 35ª Reunião Anual da
Anpocs, Associação Nacional de Pós-Graduação e Pesquisa em Ciências Sociais.

-- 
************ ********* ********* ********* ********* ********* ********* *********
Prof. Dr. Renato Athias
Coordenador do Núcleo de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre Etnicidade
Universidade Federal de Pernambuco
http://www.ufpe. br/nepe
http://www.ufpe. br/carlosestevao
*http://www.filmedor ecife.com. br*
http://www.athias. com.br
Tel: 55+81+21268286

2011/09/30


JEWISH HERITAGE EUROPE

An Online Resource Centre

PORTUGAL


JEWS IN PORTUGAL
JEWISH CULTURAL HERITAGE SITES IN PORTUGAL
LISBONBELMONTECASTELO DE VIDEEVORAFAROOBIDOSPORTOTOMAR
CONTACTS
SOURCES

JEWS IN PORTUGAL
There have probably been Jews in what is now Portugal since Roman times. From the 5th century onwards the Jews reinforced their position, remaining active during the Visigoth and Muslim periods. They were present during the Reconquista, when Christian rule was established throughout the Iberian Peninsula.

The second Portuguese dynasty (from 1385) initiated an era of relative prosperity for the Jewish community, creating what is generally considered a 'golden age' for the Jewish community in Portugal. Anti-Jewish riots and persecutions spread throughout Spain in 1391, driving large numbers of Jews across the border. Jews during this period made important contributions to Portugal's economic, cultural and scientific life; yet it was also at this time that the first major social tensions developed between Jews and Christians in the country.

In 1492, King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella of Spain signed a decree expelling from the country any Jew who refused conversion to Christianity. Again, many fled to Portugal, where King João declared them slaves shortly after their arrival. Following King João's death in 1494, Manuel I restored the Jews' freedom. However, on drawing up his marriage contract with the daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, the king yielded to the demands of Spain, agreeing to completely expel Jews from the kingdom.

But Manuel realized that the Jewish community was an asset to the Portuguese economy. He delayed the Jews' departure and forcibly converted as many of them to Christianity as possible. His efforts culminated in the creation of thousands of 'New Christians', when crowds of Jews waiting to leave the country were baptised in Lisbon.

Many of these New Christians publicly followed Catholic rituals but maintained some Jewish religious and cultural practices in the privacy of their own homes. These 'Conversos' or crypto-Jews were also known as Marranos, a pejorative term meaning 'pigs'; the Court of the Holy Office often accused them of apostasy. Their punishment ranged from the public forswearing of their alleged sins to the obligatory wearing of a special penitential habit, a sanbenito, prior to being burnt at the stake. Only in the 18th century was the power of the Inquisition curtailed, by the Marquis of Pombal, principal minister to King Jose I (1750-1777). The last public 'auto-da-fé', at which Jews who professed their religion were condemned, took place in 1765. The Inquisition was only formally disbanded in 1821.

The Jewish community was slowly accepted back into the country from around 1800. A series of statutes and decrees granted them specific rights, such as the maintenance of places of worship and cemeteries, and the keeping of registers of births, deaths and marriages. During the Second World War, Portugal established a fairly liberal visa policy: thousands of Jewish refugees were allowed entrance, and Lisbon served as a base for the operations of Jewish organizations in and beyond the Iberian Peninsula. The country thus developed a small but significant new element to its Jewish populace, one with roots across Europe. Following the revolution in Portugal in 1974 and the ensuing political unrest, about half of Portugal's Jewish population migrated to Israel, Brazil, Canada and the USA.

In 1997, Portugal's National Assembly commemorated the 15th-century expulsion of Portuguese Jews and the resulting development of exiled Portuguese Jewish communities across the world. A special session attended by dignitaries was held in the capital.

Today the Jewish population of Portugal numbers about nine hundred, some two-thirds of whom live in Lisbon. The last Converso community can be found in the mountain village of Belmonte. Many of them have reconverted to the Masorti or conservative form of Judaism.

Despite the country's small Jewish population, Portugal has a rich Jewish heritage. The current excavation of possible 15th century synagogues in Evora and in the village of Castelo de Vide are but one example; the creation of new exhibitions, publications and public events linked to Jewish history and culture is another.

JEWISH CULTURAL HERITAGE SITES IN PORTUGAL
LISBON
Lisbon's Jewish community is the largest in Portugal. There is a Jewish cultural centre, a kosher butcher, a special abattoir, and a home for the elderly. See the CONTACTS section for further details.

FORMER JEWISH QUARTERS
An earthquake destroyed much of Lisbon in 1755, wiping out, among other things, the street pattern that might have made it possible to locate old Jewish quarters. In the centuries before mass conversions, Jews lived near the present-day Church of São Nicolau and along the Rua da Madelena. On the Rua da Alfândega, an historical marker in front of the Church of Conceição Velha makes reference to the synagogue that is believed to have stood on the site.

The Alfama is the area of old narrow streets that survived the 1755 earthquake. Jewish refugees from Spain settled here in the fifteenth century. The entrance to the neighbourhood's Jewish quarter, or Judiaría, was through the Arco de Rosario. Just inside the arch is a brick wall with a pair of decorative arched windows near the top - all that remains of what is believed to have been the quarter's synagogue.

Up the winding stairway just inside the arch is the Rua da Judiaría, the central artery of the former Jewish quarter. The typical medieval houses have a narrow door that was the family entrance and a wider one that often housed the place of business, such as a shop or workshop.

OHEL JACOB SYNAGOGUE
(UPDATED BY LADINA)



SHAARE TIKVA SYNAGOGUE
Sha'are Tikva (Gates of Hope)
In 1871 the Jews of Lisbon were granted permission to build a synagogue, a dream not fully realized until the dedication of the Shaare Tikva in 1904. The synagogue served as the centre of Jewish life in Lisbon thereafter; it was a sanctuary for the thousands of Jewish refugees who passed through Portugal during World War II. Architect Miguel Ventura Terra designed the building and in 1949 it was renovated under the direction of Carlos Ramos. Joaquim Bensaúde aided in both the original design and the first renovation.

The building incorporates both Romanesque and Byzantine elements and important artists of the period contributed to its interior decoration. The sanctuary is dominated by a marble Aron Kodesh inscribed with the Ten Commandments and encrusted with gold leaf.

In preparation for its centenary, a major renovation project was begun in 2003. Shaare Tikva is also the home of a collection of historic documents dating from the 17th to the 20th century, and an effort to establish a museum in the synagogue is currently underway.
Address
Alexandre Herculano 59
http://membres.lycos.fr/shaaretikva/

ROSSIO (CENTRAL SQUARE)
The Rossio is Lisbon's central square. The stately nineteenth-century theatre at its north end is on the site of the old Ministry of Justice, where forced mass baptisms of Jews were carried out in 1497 and from which the Inquisition was later administered. Just off the square is São Domingos church, where the sentences of the Inquisition were passed. A collection of Jewish tombstones with Hebrew inscriptions can be seen at the Archaeological Museum.

BELMONTE
A farming and wine-making area in the northern province of Beira Alta, Belmonte is the spiritual centre of Crypto-Jewry, a place where an entire community of Conversos kept large parts of their faith intact and, after 500 years, returned to it en masse.

In recent years, Jewish culture has been revived in Belmonte. A new synagogue, a striking building of white stone with a red-tiled roof, stands at the edge of the old Jewish quarter. Services take place every night in summer and there are Shabbat and holiday services throughout the year. The community is trying to raise money for a new rabbi. Meanwhile, its members lead services. There is also a mikveh in Belmonte.

CASTELO DE VIDE
Located among olive groves and chestnut trees in the mountain region of São Mamede, northeast of Lisbon and not far from Tomar, Castelo de Vide is a beautiful place. The ruins of the Roman settlement Miróbriga stand nearby, but Castelo de Vide is best known today for the remnants of its medieval Jewish quarter, which stand on the east side of the town. The area has a medieval atmosphere - narrow cobbled streets and old houses - but there is little specifically Jewish about the district. A small, whitewashed 14th-century building here is reputed to be the oldest extant synagogue in Portugal.

EVORA
In the Evora Museum there is a gravestone with a Hebrew inscription dating from 1378, and a cornerstone said to come from the town's medieval synagogue. The museum also houses a moneybox and bench reputed to have been used in the Inquisition. Across the street from the Museum is the public library, which contains a rare 1st edition of the Almanac Perpetuum by Abraham Zacuto (1452 - c. 1515).

FARO
This city was a famous centre of Hebrew printing in the fifteenth century. Samuel Porteira published the first printed book in Portugal, a Hebrew edition of the Pentateuch, here in 1487. Faro is the capital city of the Algarve province of Southern Portugal, from which Jews were expelled in 1497. Many continued to live there as Conversos and resettlement began in the early 19th century.

CEMETERY AND ISAAC BITTON LIVING MUSEUM
Today, the only trace left of a once-thriving Sephardi community, once known as 'Little Jerusalem', is the Faro cemetery, opened in 1820. The entire cemetery is paved with traditional Portuguese calçada; two large shady trees provide a serene atmosphere.

The cemetery was purchased in 1851 by three community leaders: Joseph Sicsu, the chazan (cantor), Moses Sequerra, and Samuel Amram. The Jewish calendar date 5638 (1878) above the entrance gates is thought to be when the cemetery wall was constructed.

In the 1860s, Jews from Morocco and Tangiers settled in Faro and just before the First World War the first Russian and Polish Jews arrived. Yet the cemetery had fallen into neglect by the 1980s, following the dispersal of Faro's Jewish community. Isaac 'lke' Bitton, a native of Lisbon, founded the Faro Cemetery Restoration Fund in 1984. He saw the danger of the cemetery, now on prime land, being destroyed by developers. His fundraising efforts provided the money for a restoration, arranged by Ralf Pinto of the Jewish Community of the Algarve in 1992-3. As part of the restoration project, a small Jewish museum was established in the former Bet Tahara, which visitors pass through to get to the cemetery. The new museum, the Isaac Bitton Living Museum, has as its centrepiece a display of furniture from former Faro synagogues.
www.apol.net/dightonrock/portuguese_jews_in_faro.htm

OBIDOS
Located about 80 kilometres north of Lisbon, the seaside village of Obidos lies in the Costa de Prata region. A Jewish community lived there during the 5th-7th centuries, when the city was occupied by the Visigoths. Another Jewish community lived there between the 8th-12th centuries, when Obidos was under Arab rule. A building in the Jewish quarter is reputed to have been a synagogue in the Middle Ages.

PORTO
Porto is Portugal's second largest city. Spared by the earthquake that destroyed much of medieval Lisbon, Porto's old city is intact, and with it the streets of the former Jewish quarter. It was in northern Portugal that the largest numbers of Conversos lived, and in the 1920s Porto was the centre of a modest cultural revival, under the leadership of an army captain, Arturo Carlos de Barros Bastos. Bastos left behind a small community almost entirely descended from Conversos, and the magnificent Kadoorie Synagogue.
http://www.cryptojews.com/anusim_presence_leite.htm

KADOORIE SYNAGOGUE
This synagogue was built by Lord Kadoorie of Hong Kong in honour of his wife, and was intended as a home for Portuguese Conversos. Set in a large garden dominated by towering palms, it is a square stone building with an entrance made up of a series of arches. The grand interior, under a large cupola, is marked by azulejos - the tiles for which Portugal is famous. Blue tiles line the side walls, and the eastern wall features gold tiles in arabesque patterns above an Ark with wooden doors. Just above the Ark is a large Star of David. Given the small size of the community (only about 35 Jews live in Porto), there is rarely a minyan, but the synagogue often hosts classes from the area's schools.
Address
Rua de Guerra Junqueiro 340

TOMAR
Thomar
Tomar is a small, historic town in central Portugal, about 145 kilometres north east of Lisbon, best known for the remnants of an impressive Templar fortress and a superb monastery that attract many visitors. Less well known is the synagogue of Tomar:
ABRAHAM ZACUTO LUSO - MUSEO HEBRAICO/FORMER SYNAGOGUE
This is the oldest existing synagogue in Portugal, built in 1438. The synagogue was vacated in 1496; it was used as a prison, and then as a church. In the late 19th century it became a hay loft and then a grocery warehouse. In 1921 the building was declared a national monument and in 1939 the owner donated it to the state for use as a museum. A mikveh was discovered during excavation of the outbuilding in 1985. The Abraham Zacuto Luso - Museo Hebraico, a Jewish museum, is now housed in the synagogue. Abraham Zacuto was a Jew who became court astronomer in Portugal after fleeing Spain in 1492. His astronomical tables were used by Columbus on his voyages of discovery.

The museum holds Judaica, fine art, several medieval Jewish gravestones, important architectural fragments from other buildings, including an inscribed stone from 1307 believed to have come from the Lisbon Great Synagogue (destroyed in the earthquake of 1755) and a 13th-century inscribed stone from the medieval synagogue in Belmonte.
www.bh.org.il/communities/synagogue/tomar.asp

CONTACTS
Comunidade Israelita de Lisboa (Jewish Community of Lisbon):
Address

Telephone
Fax
Email
Rua Alexandre Herculano, 59
1250 Lisbon
+351 13 858 604
+351 13 884 304
administravo@cilisboa.org

SOURCES


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