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The unedited full-text of the 1906 Jewish
Encyclopedia
PORTUGAL (ancient Lusitania):
Table of Contents
Kingdom
in the southwest of Europe. The condition of its Jews, whose
residence in the country is contemporaneous with that of the Jews in
Spain, while in general like that of their coreligionists in the
neighboring kingdom of Castile, was in some respects different. The
influence of the canonical law was felt much later here than in Spain
and not so violently. Until the expulsion there were no active
hostilities against the Jews in Portugal. Affonso Henriques(1139-85),
the conqueror and first king of Portugal, found Jews already settled
in Santarem, Lisbon, and Beja; and, according to Herculano, he is
said to have found villages and localities which were wholly or to a
great extent inhabited by Jews. He pursued the tolerant policy of his
grandfather Alfonso VI. of Castile, and issued letters of protection
to the Jews, as also to the Moors of Faro. He, moreover, employed
Jews in his service, as, for instance, Dom Yaḥya ibn Ya'ish
(ancestor of the widely branching Yaḥya family), who was his
receiver of customs ("almoxarife"), and to whom he gave two
estates (Aldeas dos Negros) which had belonged to the Moors (c.
1150). Affonso Henriques' son Sancho I. (1185-1211) also was
tolerant; likewise Sancho's son Affonso II. (1211-23), who employed
Jews as farmers of the taxes and as tax-collectors, although under
him the hostile attitude of the Church began to be felt. Affonso
confirmed the resolutions passed by the Cortes at Coimbra in 1211, to
the effect that a Jew who had been baptized might not return to
Judaism, and that no Jew might prevent his children from embracing
Christianity or disinherit them for so doing. On the other hand, he
opposed the promulgation of the canons of the Lateran Council (1215)
with regard to the Jews. Affonso II. died under a ban, and his son
Sancho II. (1223-46) continued the struggle with the Church. In spite
of the canonical prohibition, he appointed Jews as tax-farmers.
Probably it was he who appointed D. Joseph ibn Yaḥya as almoxarife;
he also permitted him to build a magnificent synagogue in Lisbon
(Carmoly, "Biographie der Jachiaden," p. 2, where
[5010 = 1250] should probably be read instead of
[5020]).
[5010 = 1250] should probably be read instead of
[5020]).
In
consequence of this favor shown to the Jews, Pope Gregory IX. sent an
order to the bishops of Astorga and Lugo to protest against these
infringements of ecclesiastical ordinances. The papal threats had
little effect upon Affonso III. (1246-79), son of Sancho II., who had
been deposed by the pope. The clergy complained to the latter in 1258
that the king gave to the Jews public offices in which they assumed
authority over Christians, and that he did not compel them to wear
the Jews' badge or to pay the tithe to the Church. This petition
seems not to have had the desired effect on Affonso III. He commanded
that Moorish slaves when bought by Jews should not obtain freedom,
and that Christians should not evade payment of their debts by
selling goods which they had mortgaged to the Jews (J. Mendes dos
Remedios, "Os Judeus em Portugal," p. 427). Further,
Affonso III. organized the internal affairs of the Jews of his
kingdom, to whom Affonso I. had already granted autonomy in civil as
well as in criminal cases. Above all he issued a decree regulating
the rights and duties of the rabbis, which was revised in 1402 under
John I. The "rabbi mór" (chief rabbi) stood at the head of
the Portuguese Jews, and, like the "rab de la corte" (court
rabbi) in Castile, was an officer of the crown and the most prominent
person in the entire Jewry. He had his own seal, which bore the
Portuguese coat of arms and the legend "Sello do Arrabbi Mórde
Portugal." All his official documents began with the following
words: "N. N., Arrabbi Mór, por meu Senhor El-Rey, das Communas
dos Judeus de Portugal e do Algarve" (i.e., "N. N.,
chief rabbi, through my lord the king, of the communities of the Jews
in Portugal and Algarves").
On
the rabbi mór devolved the duty of visiting all the communities of
Portugal every year. He supervised the administration of legacies and
funds for orphans, examined all accounts rendered to him by the
directors and treasurers concerning the income and expenditure of the
communities, and, through his "porteiro" (messenger),
compelled tardy taxpayers to pay. He had authority to compel the
communities to appoint local rabbis and teachers and to enforce the
latter to accept the positions to which they had been elected. The
local rabbi might not issue writs of protection except in cases where
the royal provincial authorities were permitted to grant them. He
might not, moreover, institute a general contribution, nor could he
alienate real estate of the community without its assent. The rabbi
mór was accompanied on his official tours by an "ouvidor"
(chief justice), who was an expert in Jewish law; by a "chanceller"
(chancellor), under whose supervision was the office of the seal; by
an "eserivão" (secretary), who received and drew up the
protocols; and by a "porteiro (messenger), who was under oath
and took charge of the occasional seizures, executed sentences of
punishments, etc. The rabbi mór chose the chief justices for the
seven provinces ofthe country, who were stationed at the respective
capitals—at Oporto (Porto) for the province Entre-Douro-e-Minho; at
Moncorvo for Tras-os-Montes; at Covilhã for Beira-Alta; at Viseu for
Beira-Baixa; at Santarem for Estremadura; at Evora for Alemtejo; and
at Faro for Algarve. Each provincial judge carried an official seal
bearing the Portuguese coat of arms and the legend "Sello do
Ouvidor das Communas de . . .," and had a chancellor and
secretary who might be either a Jew or a Christian. The judge decided
cases which were brought before him on appeal or on complaint of the
local rabbi. Each place in which a certain number of Jews resided had
a local rabbi, who was chosen by the community and confirmed in
office, in the name of the king, by the rabbi mór, to whom he was
subordinate. The local rabbi had civil and capital jurisdiction over
the Jews of his district, and to him was responsible the butcher
("degollador") appointed for the community. The butcher had
to make a conscientious report to the tax-collector of the number of
cattle and fowl killed by him.
The
internal affairs of the Jewish communities were regulated by
directors ("procuradores"), who were assisted on special
occasions by confidential men ("homẽs boõs das communas"
or "ṭobe ha-'ir"). In each community was a notary to draw
up written contracts. After the edict of John I. all documents had to
be written in the language of the country, and not in Hebrew. The
oaths of Jews in lawsuits among themselves or against Christians were
very simple as compared with those of Jews in Castile, Aragon, and
Navarre. The Jew swore in the synagogue with a Torah in his arm and
in the presence of a rabbi and of a royal officer of the law. On
Sabbath and feast-days Jews might not be summoned to court, nor could
any legal proceedings be taken against them. It was strictly
forbidden to cite a Jew before a Christian judge. Whoever acted
contrary to this law was liable to a fine of 1,000 gold doubloons,
and the rabbi mór was required to keep him in custody until the sum
should be paid.
In
Portugal, as in Spain, the Jews lived in separate "Juderias,"
or Jew lanes. The capital possessed the largest community, and Jews
resided also in Alcaçar, Alcoitim, Aliezur, Alter-do-Chão, Alvito,
Alvor, Barcellos, Beja, Bragança, Cacilla, Castro-Marim, Chaves,
Coimbra, Couto, Covilhã, Elvas, Estremos, Alanquer, Evora, Faro,
Gravāo, Guarda, Guimarães, Lamego, Leiria, Loulé (which had its
own Jew valley, Val de Judeo), Mejanfrio, Miranda, Moncorvo,
Montemor, Oporto, Peñamaçor, Porches, Santarem (where the oldest
synagogue was located), Silves, Tavira, Trancoso, Villa-Marim,
Villa-Viciosa, and Viseu. The Jews of Portugal had to pay the
following taxes: the "Juderega" or "Judenga," a
poll-tax of 30 dinheiros, fixed here, as in Castile, in remembrance
of the thirty pieces of silver paid to Judas Iscariot; a personal tax
of 5 maravedis for every boy from seven to fourteen years of age, and
2½ maravedis for each girl from seven to twelve, 1 maravedi for
every unmarried male over fourteen living in the home of his parents,
and ½ maravedi for every unmarried female over twelve. Married
people paid 20 solidi. The rabbinate tax, known as "Arabiado,"
fell to the crown. From the reign of King Sancho II., who was
interested in the development of the navy, the Jews were obliged to
pay a navy tax. For each ship fitted out by the king they had to
provide an anchor and a new anchor-tow sixty ells long, or instead to
make a money payment of 60 livres. A poll-tax of 1 maravedi was
levied on them in several places, also a customs and a road tax, from
which Christians were exempt. The Jews paid King Affonso IV.
(1325-57) 50,000 livres annually in direct taxes. All that a Jew
bought or sold was subject to a special tax—each head of cattle or
fowl which he killed, every fish and every measure of wine that he
bought. The special taxes, as in other states, were based on the
principles then generally recognized with regard to the position of
the Jews, but restrictions were first enacted upon recognition of the
canonical law and its incorporation into the law of the land.
Under
Diniz (1279-1325), the son and successor of Affonso III., the Jews
remained in the favorable situation they had enjoyed up to that time.
This was due in no small measure to the influence which D. Judah,
chief rabbi at that time, and D. Gedaliah, his son and successor, who
were also the king's treasurers, had with the king. Gedaliah's
representations as to the partiality of the judges was not without
effect. The favor and protection, however, granted the Jews by the
king increased the hatred of the clergy against them. They complained
that Diniz permitted the presence of Jews at his court and entrusted
them with official positions, that he did not compel them to wear
badges, and that he allowed them the free exercise of their religion.
"The Jews are becoming proud and conceited," they reported
to Rome; "they adorn their horses with tassels, and indulge in a
luxury that has an injurious effect on the inhabitants of the
country." But not until the reign of Affonso IV. (1325-57), who
was unfavorably disposed to the Jews, did the clergy accomplish
anything with their complaints. Immediately after his accession the
law was enforced by which Jews were prohibited from appearing in
public without a badge—the six-pointed yellow star in the hat or on
the upper garment—and were forbidden to wear gold chains. He
limited their freedom of emigration, declaring that no one who owned
property of the value of 500 livres might leave the country without
royal permission, under penalty of forfeiting his property, which,
together with that of those who went with him, would fall to the
king. They had also to suffer from the growing hatred of the
populace, incited by the clergy, who made the Jews responsible for
the plague which raged in the year 1350. King Pedro I. (1357-67),
however, who was a model of justice, protected them against the
violence of the clergy and nobles (see
Pedro I.), and under his benevolent rule their prosperity
increased. His body-physician was Rabbi Mór D. Moses Navarro, who
together with his wife established a large entail near Lisbon.
Under
Ferdinand I. (1367-83), who was a spendthrift and who employed his
Jewish treasurer D. Judahin his financial operations, and still more
under the regency of his wife, the frivolous and highly unpopular
Leonora, the Jews were prominent in Portugal. After the death of the
king, Leonora deposed D. Judah and the Jewish collector of customs at
Lisbon on the representations of the city deputies; but when she
wished to have her daughter Beatrix and the latter's husband, John I.
of Castile, recognized as regents of the country, and the people
rebelled, killed Leonora's favorites, and proclaimed John vice-regent
of the kingdom (1385), Leonora fled, accompanied by her confidants,
the above-mentioned D. Judah and the wealthy D. David Negro-Yaḥya.
Disputes between her and John I. of Castile, who waged war against
Portugal, ended in an open breach on the occasion of the nomination
to the head rabbinate of Castile. Leonora demanded the place for her
favorite D. Judah, but the king, at the desire of his wife, appointed
D. David Negro-Yaḥya. Embittered by this, Leonora plotted against
the life of her son-in-law; but her plan was frustrated by D. David
Negro, and Leonora was banished to a convent in Tordesillas; the life
of D. Judah was spared on the plea of D. David Negro. The possessions
of D. Judah, D. David, and other Jews who had sided with the banished
queen and had fled from Portugal, were confiscated and given to the
bravest knights by D. John, who became king after the withdrawal of
the King of Castile (1411).
John
I.,
in spite of the fact that he favored conversion and granted special
privileges to the converted, was a friend and protector of the Jews.
Through the efforts of Rabbi Mór D. Moses Navarro, they were
shielded from the severe persecutions which their coreligionists in
Spain experienced in 1391, and also from the zeal and sermons of
conversion of Vicente Ferrer. John protected the Jews who had fled
from the persecutions in Spain. On the other hand, he enforced the
laws compelling the Jews to wear the badge and prohibiting them from
entering Christian taverns or holding official positions; but these
were often disregarded. Only a short time before his death (1433) he
was accused of having Jewish physicians at the court and of
permitting Jewish tax-collectors to exercise executive authority. His
son Duarte (1433-1438) tried completely to separate the Jews from the
Christian population, in spite of the influence exerted over him by
his body-physician and astrologer Mestre Guedelha (Gedaliah) ibn
Solomon ibn Yaḥya-Negro. When the latter, as is said, advised the
king to postpone the ceremonies of coronation and the king refused to
do so, he announced to him that his reign would be short and,
unfortunate. Duarte was indeed unfortunate in his undertakings. His
brother D. Fernando, who borrowed large sums from D. Judah Abravanel
and sent the king a Jewish surgeon, Mestre Joseph, from Fez, in 1437,
died in a Moorish prison; and Duarte himself, while still in the full
vigor of manhood, was carried off by the plague after a short reign.
Under Duarte's son, the mild and gentle Affonso V. (1438-81), "who
exercised justice and kindness toward his people," the Jews
again enjoyed freedom and prosperity. It was their last tranquil
period upon the Pyrenean peninsula. They resided outside the
Juderias; they were distinguished from the Christians by no external
tokens; and they held public offices. Affonso V. appointed D. Isaac
Abravanel to be his treasurer and minister of finance, and several
members of the Yaḥya family were received at court. Joseph ben
David ibn Yaḥya stood in especial favor with the king, who called
him his "wise Jew," and who, being himself fond of
learning, liked to discuss scientific and religious questions with
him (Ibn Verga, "Shebeṭ Yehudah," pp. 61 et
seq.,
108 et
seq.).
The
favors shown to the Jews and the luxury displayed by them, which even
the king with all his gentleness reproved, increased the hatred of
the people more and more. In 1449 for the first time in Portugal this
feeling broke out in a revolt against the Jews of Lisbon; the Juderia
was stormed, and several Jews were killed. The king intervened, and
imposed strict penalties on the ringleaders, but the complaints
against the Jews continued. At the assemblies of the Cortes in
Santarem (1451), Lisbon (1455), Coimbra (1473), and Evora (1481)
restrictions were demanded. "When D. Affonso died," says
Isaac Abravanel, "all Israel was filled with grief and mourning;
the people fasted and wept."
Affonso
was succeeded by his son John II. (1481-1495), a morose, distrustful
person, who did away with the powerful lords and the house of
Bragança in order to create an absolute kingdom, and seized their
possessions for the crown. He showed favor to the Jews, and as often
as it was for his advantage employed them in his service. His
body-physicians were D. Leão and D. Joseph Vecinho, the latter of
whom, together with D. Moses, the king's mathematician, had also made
himself useful in the art of navigating; his surgeon was a D.
Antonio, whom he induced to accept Christianity, and who then wrote a
slanderous book against his former coreligionists. The king employed
the Jews Joseph Capateiro of Lamego and Abraham of Beja to transact
business for him. He was also friendly toward those Jews who, exiled
from Spain, had sought refuge in Portugal; he promised to receive
them for eight months in return for a poll-tax of 8 crusados to be
paid in four instalments, and to provide enough ships for them to
continue their journey. His only purpose in granting them protection
was to replenish the state treasury. He appointed Oporto and other
cities for their temporary residence, although the inhabitants
protested. The number of immigrants amounted to nearly 100,000. From
Castile alone more than 3,000 persons embarked at Benevento for
Bragança; at Zamora, more than 30,000 for Miranda; from
Ciudad-Rodrigo for Villar, more than 35,000; from Alcantara for
Marvão, more than 15,000; and from Badajoz for Elvas, more than
10,000—in all more than 93,000 persons (Bernaldez, in A. de Castro,
"Historia de los Judios en España," p. 143). John II. did
not keep his promise. Not until after long delay did he provide ships
for them. The suffering which the emigrants were obliged to endure
was terrible. Women and girls were outraged by theship captains and
sailors in the presence of their husbands and parents, and were then
thrown into the water. The Portuguese chroniclers agree with Jewish
historians in the description of these fiendish acts. Those who
tarried in the country after the prescribed period were made slaves
and given away. John went even further in his cruelty. He tore the
little children away from the parents who remained behind, and sent
them to the newly discovered island of St. Thomas; most of them died
on the ships or were devoured on their arrival by wild beasts; those
who remained alive populated the island. Often brothers married their
own sisters (Usque, "Consolaçam," etc., p. 197a; Abraham
b. Solomon, "Sefer ha-Ḳabbalah," in Neubauer, "M. J.
C." i. 112). John II. is called "the Wicked" by Jewish
historians and once also "the Pious"
After
John's death his cousin and brother-in-law D. Manuel, called "the
Great," ascended the throne of Portugal (1495-1521). At first he
was favorably inclined toward the Jews, perhaps through the influence
of Abraham Zacuto, his much-esteemed astronomer; he restored to them
the freedom which John had taken from them and generously declined a
present of money which the Jews offered him in token of their
gratitude. Political interests, however, brought about only too soon
a change in his attitude. Manuel thought to unite the whole peninsula
under his scepter by marrying a Spanish princess, Isabella, the young
widow of the Infante of Portugal and daughter of Ferdinand of Aragon
and Isabella of Castile. The latter couple, who had driven the Jews
out of their own land (1492), made their consent dependent on the
condition that Manuel should expel all the Jews from his country. He
brought the matter before his state council, some members of which
warned him against the expulsion of such a useful and diligent
people, who would settle in Africa, where they would add strength to
the Mohammedans and become dangerous to Portugal. On the other hand,
the party hostile to the Jews referred to Spain and other states in
which Jews were not tolerated. The king's course was decided by
Isabella herself, who wrote to him to the effect that she would not
enter Portugal until the land was cleaned of Jews (G. Heine, in
Schmidt's "Zeitschrift für Geschichte," ix. 147). On Nov.
30, 1496, the marriage contract between Manuel and Isabella was
signed, and on Dec. 4 of the same year the king issued an order at
Muja (Muga), near Santarem, directing that all Jews and Jewesses,
irrespective of age, should leave Portugal before the end of Oct.,
1497, under penalty of death and confiscation of their property; that
any Christian found concealing a Jew after the expiration of the
prescribed period should be deprived of all his property; and that no
future ruler on any pretext whatever should permit Jews to reside in
the kingdom. The king granted the Jews free departure with all their
property, and promised to assist them as far as possible (the decree
of banishment, which, according to Zacuto, "Yuḥasin," p.
227 [where
should be read instead of
],
was issued Dec. 4, is found in the "Ordenaçoõs d' el Rey D.
Manuel" [Evora, 1556], ii. 41, and in Rios, "Hist."
iii. 614 et seq.; see also "R. E. J." iii. 285 et
seq.).
should be read instead of
],
was issued Dec. 4, is found in the "Ordenaçoõs d' el Rey D.
Manuel" [Evora, 1556], ii. 41, and in Rios, "Hist."
iii. 614 et seq.; see also "R. E. J." iii. 285 et
seq.).
In
order to retain the Jews in the country as converts Manuel issued the
inhuman decree that on a certain day all Jewish children,
irrespective of sex, who should have reached their fourth year and
should not have passed their twentieth should be torn from their
parents and brought up in the Christian faith at the expense of the
king. He did this "for reasons which compelled him to it,"
according to the assertion of Abraham b. Solomon of Torrutiel, on the
advice of the converted Levi ben Shem-Ṭob ("Sefer
ha-Ḳabbalah," ed. Neubauer, l.c. i. 114) and in
opposition to the will of his state council assembled at Estremoz,
which, with the noble bishop D. Fernando Coutinho at its head,
emphatically declared against this enforced baptism. The Jews in
Evora, as in the country generally, received the news of the intended
deed on Friday, March 17, 1497; and in order that parents might not
have time to get the children out of the way, the king had the crime
committed on Sunday, the first day of the Passover, March 19 (not
early in April, as is usually stated; see Zacuto, l.c. p.
227). According to Usque (l.c. p. 198), Jews up to the age of
twenty-five years ("vintecinco annos"; not fifteen, as
Grätz, "Gesch." viii. 392, declares) were taken; according
to Herculano (l.c. i. 125), the age limit was twenty years
(see also Goes, "Chron." xx. 19). Pathetic scenes occurred
on this occasion. Out of sympathy and compassion many Christians
concealed Jewish children that they might not be separated from their
parents. Many parents smothered their children in the last farewell
embrace or threw them into wells and rivers and then killed
themselves. "I have seen with my own eyes," writes the
noble Coutinho, "how a father, his head covered, with pain and
grief accompanied his son to the baptismal font and called on the
Allknowing as witness that they, father and son, wished to die
together as confessors of the Mosaic faith. I have seen many more
terrible things that were done to them." Isaac ibn Zachin, the
son of an Abraham ibn Zachin, killed himself and his children because
he wished to see them die as Jews. As the last date for the departure
of the Jews drew near the king announced after long hesitation that
they must all go to Lisbon and embark there.
About
20,000 persons flocked together to the capital and were driven like
sheep into a palace with a seventeen-window front, destined for the
temporary reception of foreign ambassadors. On its site to-day stands
the Donna Maria Theater. Here they were told that the time allotted
for their departure had elapsed, that they were now the king's
slaves, and that he would deal with them according to his will.
Instead of food and drink they received the visits of the converted
Mestre Nicolão (body-physician to the young queen) and Pedro de
Castro, who was a churchman and brother of Nicolão. All sorts of
promises were made in the attempt to induce the Jews to aceept
Christianity. When all attempts to shake their faith had failed the
king ordered his bailiffs touse force. The strongest and handsomest
Jewish young men were dragged into church by the hair and beard to be
baptized.
Only
seven or eight heroic characters, "somente sete ou vito cafres
contumasses," as Herculano reports from a manuscript, offered an
obstinate opposition; and these the king caused to be transported
across the sea. Among them were probably the physician Abraham Saba,
whose two sons were forcibly baptized and thrown into prison; Abraham
Zacuto, the mathematician and astrologer of D. Manuel; and the
scholar Isaac b. Joseph Caro, who had fled to Portugal from Toledo
and had here lost all his sons.
Even
the Portuguese dignitaries, and especially Bishop Osorius, were
deeply moved by this cruel compulsory conversion; and perhaps it was
due to the latter that Pope Alexander VI. took the Jews under his
protection. Manuel, perhaps advised by the pope to do so, adopted a
milder policy. On May 30, 1497, he issued a law for the protection of
the converted Jews, called "Christãos novos"
(Neo-Christians), according to which they were to remain undisturbed
for twenty years, the authorities to have during that time no right
to impeach them for heresy. At the expiration of this period, if a
complaint should arise as to adherence to the old faith only a civil
suit was to be brought against them, and in case of conviction the
property of the condemned was to pass to his Christian heirs and not
into the fiscal treasury. The possession and use of Hebrew books were
forbidden except to converted Jewish physicians and surgeons, who
were allowed to use Hebrew medical works. Finally, a general amnesty
was promised to all Neo-Christians (documents in Kayserling,
"Geschichte der Juden in Portugal," pp. 347 et seq.).
Those
Jews who were living as pretended Christians took the first
opportunity to leave the country. Whoever could sold his property and
emigrated. Large numbers of secret Jews set sail for Italy, Africa,
and Turkey. Thereupon, on April 20 and 21, 1499, Manuel prohibited
the transaction of business with Neo-Christians and forbade the
latter to leave Portugal without the royal permission. They were thus
obliged to remain in a country in which a fanatical clergy was
constantly inciting against them a populace that already hated and
despised them. In April, 1506, a savage massacre occurred in Lisbon.
On April 19 and the following days over 2,000 (according to some over
4,000) secret Jews were killed in a most terrible fashion and burned
on pyres. Manuel inflicted a severe penalty on the Dominican friars
who were the leaders in the riot; they were garroted and then burned,
while the friars who had taken part in the revolt were expelled from
the monastery. The king granted new privileges to the secret Jews and
permitted them, by an edict of March 1, 1507, to leave the country
with their property. To show them his good-will he renewed the law of
May 30, 1497, and on April 21, 1512, prolonged it for a further
period of twenty years. In 1521, however, he again issued a law
forbidding emigration under penalty of confiscation of property and
loss of personal freedom.
So
long as Manuel lived the Neo-Christians or Maranos were not
disturbed, but under his son and successor, John III. (1521-57), the
enmity against them broke out anew. On Dec. 17, 1531, Pope Clement
VII. authorized the introduction of the Inquisition into Portugal,
after the Maranos of that country had prevented it for fifty years.
The number of Maranos who left the country now increased steadily,
especially under the reign of King Sebastian (1557-78), who permitted
them free departure, in return for the enormous payment of 250,000
ducats, with which sum he carried on his unfortunate war against
Africa.
Bibliography:
- F. Brandão, Monarchia Lusitana, passim;
- Ruy de Pina, Chronica do Rey D. Duarte;
- idem, Chronica d' el Rey D. Jodo I.;
- idem, Chronica do Senhor Rey D. Affonso;
- idem, Chronica d' el Rey D. João II. in Colleccão dos Ineditos de Historia Portugueza;
- F. Lopez, Chronica d' el Rey D. Pedro, in Colleccão, iv. 17, 20;
- Sousa, Provas, ii. 20,255; iii. 581, 628; iv. 28;
- Damião de Goes, Chronica do Serenissimo Senhor Rei D. Manuel, x. 13 et seq., 20;
- Osorius, De Rebus Emanuelis, etc., 7a, 12b et seq.;
- Garcia de Rezende, Chronica dos Valerosos e Insignos Feitos del Rey Dom João II. pp. 68 et seq., 96 et seq., 132 et seq.;
- Usque, Consolaçam as Tribulacoens de I'srael, pp. 188, 195 et seq.;
- Joaquim Jos. Ferreira Gordo, Memoria Sobre os Judeos em Portugal, in Memorias da Academia Real das Sciencias, iv. 2 (reprinted, without naming author or source, in Revista Peninsular, ii. 520 et seq., Lisbon, 1856);
- A. Herculano, Historia de Portugal, ii. 322 et seq.; iii. 107, 128, 138, 215; iv. 210;
- idem. Da Origem e Estabelecimento da Inquisicão em Portugal, i. 85, 95 et seq., 100 et seq., 120 et seq., 138 et seq., Lisbon, 1854;
- S. Cassel, in Ersch and Gruber, Encyc. section ii., part 27, pp. 226 et seq.;
- Rios, Hist. i. 266; ii. 185, 265, 455; iii. 179, 334;
- Kayserling, Gesch. der Juden in Portugal, Berlin, 1867;
- J. Mendes dos Remedios, Os Judeus em Portugal, i., Coimbra, 1895;
- Grätz, Gesch. vii. 169; viii. 49, 374 et seq.;
- J. Q. R. 1900, xv. 251-274, 529-530.
